The Best President of Uganda, Milton Obote
5 years, 11 months ago
The best leader of Uganda to date, is Milton Apollo Obote. His the only president that was nationalistic and had a developmental program for Ugandans. However, his nationalistic and pro African tendencies, made him an enemy of imperialist forces, especially the British. Long Live the father of the Nation, Milton Apollo Obote!
Milton Obote: Telling His Own Lifetime Story.
Early childhood:
I was born on 28th December 1925. I grew up in Akokoro City in Lango. My father was Stanley Opeto and my mother was Priscilla Aken Opeto.
I began school at the age of eleven when I joined catechism class. After one year, I went to Ibuge Primary School, 16 miles from Akokoro and then to Boroboro Primary School near Lira.After Boroboro, I went to Gulu High School. I performed very well because I was on top of my class every term. Even in primary I was always on top of my class every term.
I passed on top of my class at Gulu High and went to Busoga College Mwiri in 1946 up to 1947. I went to do intermediate at Makerere and studied political science and geography. I was given a scholarship by Lango Local Government to do law at Khartoum University. I left Makerere voluntarily, although some people say I was dismissed because of a food strike. I was a participant in the food strike, but I did not lead it. When Makerere begun in March I did not go back because I was waiting to go to Khartoum. However, I got a letter written by the former DC in Lango saying that my scholarship could not be entertained. The British did not want me or someone from Lango to go and study law at that time. I rebelled. I went to Kenya.
Politics
Remember that in 1952 the Uganda National Congress (UNC) was formed. We from Jinja under Lubogo went to Kampala as Busoga delegation. I was therefore a founder member of UNC.
I was later transferred to Nairobi and I later got a job with an oil company called Stanbak. By this time, I had a grudge with the British government. They refused me to take my scholarship in Khartoum. So I joined the Kenya Africa Union (KAU).
I decided to leave Kenya in 1956 because there was a movement in Uganda on land. The British government wanted to change land tenure in Lango from communal to private ownership. People and UNC in Lango opposed to it. UNC got in touch with me and they said they had organised protests in Lira.
They asked me to join in the demonstration. I left Nairobi suddenly, and arrived in Lango after the demonstration had taken place the previous day. Before I could even settle down, the colonial police on accusation of leading the demonstration arrested me the next day. Later the British released me and I joined politics in Lango where I began preaching Self Government Now. I became a key leader within UNC!The UNC had a good policy of “Self Government Now; One Man One Vote”.
Formation of UPC:
When I joined the Legislative Council (Legco), it was a timid talking shop. I immediately set out to make it an effective assembly to voice the concerns of the African people. My first task was to link the members of the Legco with the wider community in the districts.
We started mobilising for a constitutional conference. Although I was new in the Legco, I immediately stood out because I had a message: Self Government Now! It was the Uganda National Congress (UNC) message, but my job was to exploit it, and I became its voice and people wanted to hear it. Problems began within the UNC. Ignatius Musaazi was the leader, but Jolly Joe Kiwanuka did not respect him. Kiwanuka went to Moscow and Cairo and got some money. Musaazi made a mistake when he said that is communism money. This gave Kiwanuka an excuse to break up the party.
I had made a good impression in the Legco, so the elected members elected me to be their leader in 1958. The next year, the UNC called a delegates conference in Mbale. It turned out that the delegates did not want Musaazi because of the propaganda by Kiwanuka. On election day, I was elected president of UNC in absentia. When I went to Mbale, the first thing I told Jolly Joe was: “I want to talk to Musaazi first.” I was loyal to Musaazi and I respected him. I asked him if he approved me replacing him and he said he was happy about it but warned me against working with Jolly Joe. I went to the conference and accepted the post.
I immediately set out to organise the UNC from being a party of members of the Legco into a party of the people. Sometime in 1960, a decision was taken to merge the UNC with the Uganda Peoples’ Union. A decision was made and the Uganda Peoples’ Congress (UPC) was born. I was elected president of the new party in absentia, and began to prepare for elections leading to self-government. When we went into elections, Buganda boycotted and less than 10 percent of the registered voters turned up. Although DP won the election with a majority of seats and formed government, UPC polled more votes and formed a vigorous opposition.
I regret to say that DP failed to make itself an effective government. I was determined that UPC should lead the next government. But first we had to ensure that there is another election before independence. I realised that we had to listen to Mengo demands if we were to ensure a united Uganda into independence. Ben Kiwanuka said, “Look, the Kabaka knows where I am, if he has got any problem he should contact me.” He said this to Uganda Argus Reporter. So we picked it up and said “A commoner saying Kabaka should go to him.”The UPC-KY alliance was a matter of discussion between Muteesa and me only. Even UPC central executive committee did not discuss it. I used to report just the outcome. UPC and Mengo had a common cause: we both wanted DP government out of office. Our dilemma was how we get rid of DP. In the April 1962 elections, UPC got 37 seats, DP 24 and KY had 21.
Warned about Amin:
I had been prime minister for only a few months when Governor Sir Walter Coutts asked me go to State House. He told me the story of the murder of the Turkana by one Lt. Idi Amin.
Sir Walter told me about the inquiries made by the Kings Africa Rifles (KAR) in Nairobi about these killings and the case against Idi Amin. He was found guilty and faced dismissal but Sir Walter sought my opinion. I advised that Amin be given a severe reprimand.
I regret to say that part of Uganda’s suffering today can be traced to the opinion I gave Sir Walter. After I had given my advice, Sir Walter told me that an officer like Lt. Idi Amin was not fit to be in the KAR. He said: “I warn you this officer could cause you trouble in the future.” I did not order attack on Lubiri in 1966.
On February 9th, Muteesa called the British High Commissioner and asked for massive military assistance. When I asked Muteesa why, he said it was a precaution against trouble. I asked him, “Trouble from whom and against whom?” He just waved me to silence. Although he was president, head of state and commander in chief of the armed forces, Muteesa did not have powers to order for arms. Later, I sought the advice of my Attorney General, Godfrey Binaisa QC. He told me that given what Muteesa had done, I had to suspend him from being president of Uganda, the only way I could was to suspend the constitution itself.
I told Binaisa, “That constitution was my very child. I cannot become its killer”. “You do not have to kill it,” Binaisa advised, “it is already dead, as dead as a door nail, killed by Muteesa when he asked for arms from the British government unconstitutionally. All you have to do right now is to bury your dead child as decently as possible.”There was no constitutional way out, so on February 24, 1966 I called the press and suspended the constitution and hence the posts of president and vice president. On April 15, 1966, I introduced the 1966 constitution in parliament whose only difference from the 1962 constitution was to merge the office of the prime minister with that of the president. There were 55 votes for it and only four votes against.
Events were moving fast at this time because six of the 21 members of KY in parliament refused to swear allegiance to the new constitution.
On May 20, the Lukiiko met and passed a resolution saying that, “This Lukiiko resolves not to recognise the government of Uganda whose headquarters must be moved away from Buganda soil.” I retained calm amidst this extreme provocation from sections of Mengo. On May 23, we arrested three chiefs – Lutaaya, Matovu and Sebanakita and detained them for organising rebellion against the state.
Later in the day, I was having lunch and we heard gunshots. Oryema came and said that Amin was shooting at the Lubiri. Amin told me there were reports that there were a lot of arms inside the Lubiri and when he sent an army contingent to verify the reports, they were shot at and they responded. I ordered him to stop immediately, but by this time Muteesa had fled.Assassination attempt:
During the 1969 UPC delegates’ conference, we invited delegations from other countries. On the last day of the conference I escorted the presidents (of Zambia Tanzania, Zaire, Kenya, Ethiopia) back to Entebbe. I returned to the conference to find that a resolution had been passed declaring Uganda as a one party state. I rejected it because it was not part of the party programme. After the closure of the conference, I walked out and I saw somebody aiming a gun at me.
After that I do not know what happened because I was shot at: I broke my tongue, broke my teeth, then I was taken to Mulago hospital. At Mulago a nurse nearly killed me! When I was waiting, my sister-in-law Mey, came in my room. There was another nurse in the room. This nurse prepared an injection for me.
When this nurse tried to give me the injection, Mey jumped up from her chair, got hold of the needle and both fell down, breaking the needle. I was in the hospital for about three weeks.The 1971 coup:
After the attempted assassination, Idi Amin who was army commander went missing. But when I returned to office from Mulago, Amin came to my office and said the normal things: “Oh, thank you Mr President, glad to see you.” I began to suspect that Amin was up to something. Why did he disappear the night of the attempted assassination?
A few weeks later, Okoya was killed. Investigations in both the attempted assassination on me and the murder of Okoya were leading to Idi Amin by the time I left the country for Singapore in January 1971.
Before I left for Singapore, I called Amin and the minister of Defence Felix Onama to my office. The Auditor General had issued a report to the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament, where he said Shs2.6million in the defence budget had not been accounted for. So, I told Amin and Onama that I led a clean government; the AG had found money missing from the Defence ministry. I told them to find the money by the time I return from Singapore and restore the account.The Israelis were also involved in the coup of 1971. In 1970, we had arrested an Israeli mercenary, Steiner, and we deported him to Sudan where he was due to testify in court, a factor that would have exposed Amin’s involvement in the coup plot. Another factor leading to the coup was the British. There was a conference in Singapore of the Commonwealth countries.
I didn’t want to go to Singapore because one, there was going to be elections in Uganda around April; two, I had to complete presentation or writing of third five year government development plan.
British Prime Minister Edward Heath announced that Britain was going to resume arms sales to South Africa.
I did research on the nature of arms sales by Britain to South Africa and its likely implications on the liberation struggles in the whole of southern Africa. I presented the research to my colleagues, and requested that since the research could only be presented by me at the Commonwealth conference, I should go to Singapore. I reluctantly and in the interest of African liberation decided to go to Singapore. I left the country on January 11, 1971.
In Singapore, I presented my case. Heath made a statement saying: “Those who are condemning the British policy to sell arms to South Africa, some of them will not go back to their countries.” I understood it to refer to me. I rang Babiiha, and Bataringaya who said there was an attempted coup. They said Amin had planned to assassinate me upon arrival at the airport but they had taken care of that. Secondly they said they had alerted loyal army officers. I told them that was very little, too late.
“Oh dear, Oh dear,” I told them on phone, “it’s already too late, it’s already too late!” Later, Bataringaya rang me from Kampala and told me that the coup had succeeded. Amin had said the army has asked him to take over government. I called my delegation to my room and briefed them about the situation back home. I said, “Loyalty to me personally ends here. When we are free either in Bombay or Kenya, you will decide for yourselves what to do, go back to Uganda or go to exile with me.”I flew to Bombay. From Bombay we contacted President Nyerere who was on a state visit to New Delhi. We joined him there. In New Delhi he told me: “You go to East Africa, from Nairobi go to Dar-es-Salaam, I will find you there.’
In Nairobi, we were taken to hotels. I directed my delegation to ring various numbers in Kampala and ask whether the coup can be altered. The result I got was that it could. We had mobilised six vehicles to drive to Tororo when all of a sudden, Kenya authorities stopped anybody from leaving my hotel. Nobody left the hotel, our telephones were cut off. I decided to go to Tanzania quietly.Return from exile: 1980:
The Moshi conference established a number of organs for the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF). Immediately after, the government of Idi Amin fell to the combined force of the Tanzanian army supported by Ugandan exile troops.
Lule automatically became the president of Uganda in exile in his capacity as leader of UNLF. UNLF later shifted from Dar-es-Salaam to Kampala and Lule was sworn in. One morning, President Nyerere came to my house and said he was inviting me to go with him to Mwanza to attend a conference with Ugandan ministers. He surprised me and I told him I did not want to go. He insisted so we flew to Mwanza together. I sat on the high table with Nyerere, Lule and Rugumayo. They discussed the disagreements between the chairman of the NCC and President Lule.
I told them Alimadi and Paulo Muwanga (ministers in Lule Government) that from the smell of things, the Lule government was going to be short lived. “Go light the fire,” I told them, “When Lule falls it might be a UPC government to replace him.”
In some ways this plan was implemented, but not completely. When Lule fell, Muwanga was not strong enough to take over, so Godfrey Binaisa was elected on the UPC ticket. Binaisa misused his chance because upon election, he tried to bite the hand that had elected him.Later, during his administration, I met him in Lusaka. I told him that: “Mr. President I want you to know that I want to be in Uganda for Christmas.” I think it was November 1979.
“I want to spend Christmas with my mother,” I said.
Binaisa surprised me when he asked, “You mean Uganda?”
I said, “Yes.”
“With your mother?”
I said, “Yes.”
Then he asked again, “This Christmas?”
I said, “Yes.”
Binaisa literary collapsed on the floor and I had to shout for security to come to the room and they brought a doctor from State House who resuscitated him. That was the end of the meeting with the President of Uganda, Godfrey Binaisa QC.1980 polls:
People welcomed us everywhere we went during elections. Those who say that UPC rigged the 1980 election do not understand the dynamics in Uganda at the time. UPC had a good record. Our opponents were not credible, and they had no program to talk of. Although Muwanga, the chairman of the military commission was a UPC, Museveni was his number two. How could I who was not number two, number three or number four, not even a number in military commission influence the military commission?
On the 10th about midday Muwanga issued the proclamation where he stopped everyone from announcing election results except himself. I drove to Nile Mansion, I sat on Muwanga’s bed and I said, “You have got to recede this announcement now. The enemies of UPC will exploit it to claim it is meant to help us rig the election.” “This proclamation is a danger to UPC and an asset to our opponent.” However, I did have power over him as leader of UPC. I think Muwanga was scared by Adoko Nekyon, who was at DP headquarters receiving electoral returns. Nekyon knew DP had lost but just wanted to create confusion.
But UPC had 22 unopposed seats. So there was no fear of a DP victory in my mind at all. I had promised that if UPC wins, I would form a government of national unity. After I was sworn in, I invited Ssemogerere to State House and put my proposal to him.
He rejected it.
Escape after 1985 coup:
I had learnt about the coup over many weeks since there was a political crisis involving the army. The first ominous sign came when I was in Mbale on the Co-operatives Day. There was some movement of the army in Kampala.
Paul Muwanga issued a statement in which he referred to “uncoordinated troop movement.” After Mbale, I returned to Kampala and appointed Brig. Livingstone Ogwang to investigate the uncoordinated troop movement, but he was frustrated. Then Muwanga came to me and said Tito Okello should go and bring Bazillio Okello to Kampala. I agreed and Tito went but he never came back. And when he did, it was with the invasion army, the coup army.
In spite of all these happenings, I was not afraid of a coup. I was busy organising for the December 1985 elections and I was confident UPC would win. The victory would put the coup plotters in a difficult position of attempting to overthrow a government with a renewed mandate. On the night of July 26th, 1985 Muwanga rang me saying something was happening in Kampala. I called Rwakasisi who told me that Muwanga had called him and told him the same thing by telephone. I said, “Rwakasisi, Milton Obote is not going anywhere; if there is a coup, they will have to come and kill me here.”
Muwanga rang again and said, “Don’t remain in Nile Mansion and don’t go to Parliament Building, the thing might be serious.” I called Rwakasisi and we went to the home of Henry Opiote at 2 a.m. At Opiote’s home, I told my colleagues that, “I am not going to move again; I fought Amin, I do not want to fight again. I am going to die here.”
Rwakasisi said a very memorable thing. He said, “No, we have to get you out of this country because if you are alive we can fight back, if you are dead we cannot fight back. So we are going to drag you out of here.” The issue was where do we go? We could not go to Entebbe airport. We also decided that we could not take Mutukula road. My plan was to travel to Soroti. We had five cars and a Land Rover. Dr. Opiote sat in the lead car, me in the second car, and the other cars followed behind. But somehow Rwakasisi possibly fell. But we thought that he was with us as we hit Jinja Road.
It was about 4 a.m. We had radio calls in the car and Dr. Opiote was monitoring what the Okellos were discussing. So we knew they were looking for me, and they had ordered all roadblocks to arrest me. At Mukono, we were stopped. The soldiers started asking: “Who are you, where are you coming from, where are you going?” They were asking Dr. Opiote who was in the first car.
Opiote showed them his identity card and told them that “Mzee has asked us to go and bring Mama Miria who is coming back from Nairobi.”
The soldiers were suspicious and asked more questions but after some time they allowed the convoy to continue. They did not know that I was seated in the next car behind. At the roadblock at the bridge in Jinja, the same happened. It was now coming to 5 a.m.Released at Jinja Bridge, we continued on our way eastwards. When we reached the roundabout near Jinja town, I asked my driver to go into Jinja town instead of going straight along the highway to Tororo, to create a diversion so that anyone was following our convoy would get lost. Dr. Opiote did not know this. I think when he realised we were not behind him he turned and came back and joined us. We took that road from Magamaga to Busia and arrived in Busia town at about 6 a.m.
At the border a soldier tried to block our exit by closing the road. Other soldiers just shoved him away and opened for us and we entered Kenya. We had no money, no passports, nothing. My staff only told the Kenyans that “the president wants to enter” and they allowed us. While we celebrated our narrow escape, I was downhearted because of the coup. Dr. Opiote had just returned from America and he had some dollars. So we bought gas and hit the road to Kakamega. Kenyan security informed the government of our coming. We were taken to a government lodge where I contacted Moi that I was in his country and that I was running away from my country.Moi promised to contact us later. I think we stayed there for the whole day and night. Next, I had breakfast with Moi and I requested him for asylum. He was very clear; he said, “This is a British orchestrated coup.” He told me the cabinet would consider my request. I left for Nairobi to stay with my friend Kitili Mwendwa, where I found Mama Miria.
Then I contacted President Kaunda. He sent me his ambassador that same evening and I asked for asylum verbally. He asked me to put it in a short letter, which I did. Kaunda sent an aircraft and we left for Lusaka, about 100 people. In Lusaka, I was taken to a government lodge. Kaunda returned, we met, we prayed. I briefed him and like Moi, he said this was a British coup.
So I remained in Zambia until now, from August 1985. One thing is for sure though, I have never taken a drink since I came to Zambia and this year I have also stopped smoking. Upon arrival, I immediately began plans to fight the government of the Okellos. Then Museveni removed them and I transferred the efforts to liberate Uganda from Museveni’s dictatorship.My successes:
I see the liberation of Uganda from colonial rule and later from Idi Amin’s tyranny as my greatest contribution to my country. The second pillar of my legacy is the economic development of Uganda. The third pillar of my work is investment in social infrastructure to improve the quality of life of our people.
The UPC administration made significant investments in health by building 22 rural hospitals in every district (then) and over 500 dispensaries in every sub country in Uganda. The fourth pillar of my achievements is in the field of international relations. I was a founder member of the Organisation of African Unity. During that conference, I played a major role in hammering out the compromise between the Monrovia Group and the Casablanca group, and personally suggested the creation of a body to drive Africa towards unity.
My failures:
I consider control of the military as being my major failure. I regret ever having trusted Idi Amin. I should also never have left Tito Okello and Bazillio Okello in command positions in the army.
I also regret that my second administration was unable to stop the killings and massacres of innocent civilians in Luweero by Museveni and his insurgent army. I also regret the move to the left. With hindsight, I think we should not have attempted socialist or nationalisation policies. Regarding the attack on the Lubiri, I regret it only in as far as I was the head of go.
uganda.uk.com
Uganda’s problem is a leadership crisis characterised by brokers
Uganda’s problem is a leadership crisis characterised by brokers, brokers and brokers! It is a nation where brokerage has replaced work; and everyone is seated waiting for “the deal” of his life!Doctor Kizza Besigye, we all know that for some reason (more likely your political stance) you have been mercilessly beaten, flogged and imprisoned. We all know that, perhaps, you hold the Ugandan record for the most imprisonment without trial; the original sin of African post-independence democracies!
You have indeed sacrificed for this nation! From working in the human blood of injured combatants without proper protection to being imprisoned every day for your beliefs and methods, your record of sacrifice remains up in the clouds.
Therefore, since we are now discussing sacrifices and the cost of those sacrifices on the democratisation process of Uganda, it would be important if you told us whether those sacrifices are done for your own benefit or for the nation; because, unlike Jesus Christ whose record left no trench of personal enrichment, we all know that you are one of Uganda’s super rich elites, albeit without a clear record of the sources of your immense estate. We shall leave this at that.
Doctor Kizza Besigye, I know that many Ugandans have asked you this question and have been accused of being funded by the NRM. I know that many peace-loving Ugandans have been branded moles for posing legitimate constitutional questions about your political methods.
All the same, let me now ask you the same old questions; what is your mission? What is the main motivation for your “sacrifices”?
Doctor Kizza Besigye, your career in opposition politics started at a time when I was about 20 (years) old. All this time, the theme for your politics has been “regime change”. To be more specific, your gospel has clearly been that of change; change from Museveni to yourself.
I have never clearly understood what you want to do for Uganda other than the removal of President Museveni from power.
Every day, I really wonder if you know what Ugandans need; or if you are like a madman who will gather stones; throw in all directions; and if by chance he hits an abandoned wall, he shouts loud; That’s my target!
Your target(s) for Uganda should go beyond the obsession of unseating Gen. Kaguta!
In your politics, you only seem to project to Ugandans that once Museveni is gone, everything will be ok. You have even spread your virus to those seeking to be like you; the only difference being in what they wear on their heads! Yes. I am talking about Bobi Wine and his red-headed army!
With this wrong political culture that you have helped foment in this country, one would not be wrong to conclude that after Malaria, Polio and HIV, your politics is the 3rd most dangerous thing to the future generations of this humble nation.
Doctor Kizza Besigye, I want to stress to you that Uganda’s problem is not Museveni!
Uganda’s problem is (1) a health system that is more ill than the patients; (2) a police system more criminal than the thugs; (3) an education system more ignorant that the pupils; (4) a parental system more vulnerable than the child; (5) a leadership more backward than the followers; (6) a housing system worse than the wilderness; (7) a funeral service system more revered than the emergency system; (8) a justice system more unjust than the mob; (9) a feeding system more hungry than the starving; (10) and an opposition that is devoid of alternatives!
Doctor Kizza Besigye, Uganda’s problem is the decay of the education system; an education-chain that is devoid of value; and one that is totally harangued by our original sin of corruption!
Yes. I say to you that Uganda’s problem is an education system, which only ensures that a child spends a long time in school and grows up without learning any practical life skill.
Uganda’s problem is the sick and rotten parental chain of absolute mediocrity where academic grades for our children are valued ahead of knowledge acquisition!
Yes. I am talking about the millions of Ugandan parents who would rather take their children to schools specialised in “manufacturing academic results” than those committed to “educating the whole”!
Uganda’s problem is the millions of young professionals, doctors, teachers, nurses, engineers etc, who get out of universities, technical institutes and other study centers ill trained but at least willing to work; but who can’t find any job!
Yes. I am pointing at those young professionals who walk the full length of the streets willing to get a job, add and contribute; but whose knocks meet closed doors.
Uganda’s problem is a desperate socio-economic environment, which prefers the selling of the nation’s young and energetic people to modern-day slavery in the form of international labor export!
Yes. I am talking about those young Ugandans, lawyers, doctors, nurses, engineers and teachers who are well qualified to contribute to national growth but who are condemned to being housemaids and garbage collectors in nations potentially poorer than the pearl of Africa.
Doctor Kizza Besigye, Uganda’s problem is a leadership crisis characterised by brokers, brokers and brokers! It is a nation where brokerage has replaced work; and everyone is seated waiting for “the deal” of his life!
Yes, I am talking about those power brokers, land brokers, sex brokers, news brokers, health brokers, business brokers, etc who have sold everything to the ugly level of brokering human body organs from unsuspecting Ugandan patients!
Yes, Uganda’s problem is a socio political environment where the sweat of the majority is the bread of the minority; a nation where the greed and immorality of the public servant has effectively replaced the gospel according St. Mark!
Doctor Kizza Besigye, Uganda’s problem is a desperate situation where law volumes are treated as mere sheets of paper not worth the ink in which they are written. Yes. I am talking about a justice system that administers injustice; one where the maid of justice is thrice raped by the judge on her way to the alter of justice.
Uganda’s problem is a political reality with a fatally commercialised electoral process that only facilitates thieves and pillages into public office.
Doctor Kizza Besigye, what I have said above is just a microcosmic projection of Uganda’s problem. I can go on and on.
This is the nation where everything seems to be headed for the worse. This is a nation where evil is no longer an exception but a general rule.
This is a nation where people are so useless to themselves that witch doctors, fortune-tellers and false prophets are fast becoming role models. Yes, this is the pearl of Africa.
Doctor Kizza Besigye, I have narrated all this to ask you one question; what ambitious plan do you have to help an average Ugandan overcome the huddles that he/she faces every day?
For 20(twenty) years, you have never paraded a clear plan for Uganda’s recovery. All you go around preaching is “ajja agenda”, “omusajja agenda”, blah-blah. So what? What happens after he has gone? Do you take over and continue the same? What is your alternative strategy?
An average Ugandan wants;(1) market for his produce; (2) a good school for his child (with a well motivated teacher); (3) a decent retirement after serving the nation; (4) social security in old age; (5) health insurance; (6) a good hospital (with all necessities and a well motivated doctor); (7) a job for his specialty; (8) food for his family; (9) a good road; (10) a reliable public transport network; (11) sustainable sources of income; (12) a functional justice system; (13) safety and security. What ambitious plan do you have for Uganda other than the removal of the prince of Kiruhuura?
An average Ugandan needs peace; functional health care; proper housing; justice in a court of law; and a system that generally rewards its best contributors. An average Ugandan needs a change, no merely of guards; but one of a fundamental nature!
An average Ugandan doesn’t care about who the President of the Republic is; but rather whether that President sits on a function system!
Doctor Kizza Besigye, the recovery of Uganda needs men and women with “big hearts”; men of in-depth character and not the bunch of scarecrows that you and your fanatics represent!
Political ambition needs to be benched against a value chain. As much as one seeks to be elected, one must remain aware that the election is not about him/her but rather about the electorate. Unfortunately, this still eludes you and your political retinue characterized by fanatic hangers-on; all together inept of democratic sense!
For nearly 20(twenty years) you have never come out clearly to guide the nation on how you will be a good President siting on a functional government; and this is not because you don’t care! With the deepest respect, I think you just don’t get it.
As a well-trained Medical Doctor, I know you were inducted through the function of treating and or eliminating medical infirmities.
However, I don’t know whether you were properly inducted into the art of pre-treatment diagnosis; and this is a very serious concern for me as a change thirsty Ugandan.
If indeed you had been properly inducted in the function of diagnosis before prescription of therapy or medical procedure, you would have by now known that Museveni is not the disease whose cure Ugandans most desperately need.
Yes. You may argue; and rightly so that President Yoweri Museveni is the epicentre of the pandemic that afflicts Ugandans. But let me ask you one question; Do you want to simply change the epicentre from west to south instead of eliminating the pandemic?
One of Museveni’s problems, which you have ridden on to build your own political brand is his chronic inability and or unwillingness to peacefully retire from power/power. We all know that our beloved President forgot the spelling of the word “retirement”. But are you the person most suited to tell him to retire? Everyday I wonder if you have lived by your wish for Museveni.
Democracy doesn’t just apply to persons in state house. It applies to us all. Democracy is a way of life. It is a culture that runs on certain basic principles that spring from within.
Power doesn’t cease to be power simply because it lies in the opposition! By its own right, opposition politics involves a lot of power; and an opposition stronghold should be seen to practice the very democratic principles that it demands of a siting government.
This includes but is not limited to regular free and fair elections at all levels, as well as a peaceful and respectful transfer of political office. These principles apply to all political associations, whether in government or outside government.
For 20(twenty) years, I have watched you contest election after election and harvesting the same results. In the beginning, as a young voter, I voted you out of genuine conviction. I later voted you for lack of worthy alternatives, and then, like majority Ugandans, I stopped voting. We search for unknown results, we don’t just search!
The reason I stopped voting is because I felt two undemocratic people were contesting against each other, and I was not about to start choosing which pygmy is taller than the other! They are both short!
From the sidelines, I have keenly watched your FDC politics; and have wondered whether you truly believe in democracy.
As the father of the FDC, both democracy and basic manners demand that you never show a side; especially in matters touching the internal politics of the party. You should reserve your clout for peace building and reconciliation of opponents in the wake of divisive internal politicking of the organization you say you love.
You, showing a side, in any internal electoral processes of the FDC has a great bearing on swinging the vote, not in the direction of proper change but in the direction of your will. This is one arm of generating a fair election inside your party. You do the opposite, because you are an invisible candidate in those elections.
Doctor Kizza Besigye, you, showing your side and actively participating in the evil practice of blackmailing your opponents as moles crystallises the definition of an un-free and unfair election. I don’t know whether you only define an un-free election as one where tanks, batons and tear-gas are assembled to beat the opposition into submission!
You accuse Museveni of failing to nurture succession; and for sitting on Ugandans like a ghost! But you and Museveni seem to suffer the same disease, a delusion of grandeur, which you both hold as the vision for Uganda.
Honestly, both you and the leader of the NRM have clearly indicated that only you are worthy leaders of your respective causes; whatever those causes are. In fact, you should both reconcile with each other and work together! The two sides of the same coin remain together, forever.
In fact, I think Museveni is better than you. The only difference between you and Museveni is that for you, you are a bloody masquerader who pretends to be a liberator when you are actually a consummate conqueror! Yes. This is my assessment. At least, he has openly told us that he is not a public servant; and that he works for his beliefs and the future of his grand children! Sir, who do you work for?
You present a stooge in an internal election of the FDC, campaign for him to be party President. After the election you make your stooge your de-facto assistant in your fictitious “people’s government” whose center of command is your deluded mind? That is first class fraud!
Also, I have tried to observe all democracies in the world. After the election, members of the opposition are never unwilling to partner with the winning party for national development.
You may argue, and rightly so, that Museveni is unwilling to cooperate with you. But isn’t it also true that the nature of your politics dissuades the spirit of co-operation? I doubt I would invite your politics to my government if I were President!
Yes. You may have disagreements with Museveni, but that should never mean that you don’t see the only time he gets it right, like building roads damns! The inflated costs of those roads not withstanding. For 20(twenty) years, I don’t recall when you ever commended the government for any good done.
Kizza Besigye, when periods of divisive politicking end, worthy opposition leaders partner with sitting governments for the cause of national development. You have opposed, opposed and opposed. Why?
This, it self, is wrong because in your disagreement with a siting government, you should never deny it credit where such credit is due. You should oppose on principle. You shouldn’t oppose as if that is what you were born to do.
When you oppose everything whether it be good or bad, you become a fundamentalist. That may be good for you (depending on your mission), but it is obviously not good for the nation. I have herein earlier highlighted that politics is not about you. It is about the electorate.
Doctor Kizza Besigye, as a leader in the opposition, you should never limit your contribution to the Presidency. You may never be the President of the Republic; but you can surely be an agent of positive change.
When you command the vote of nearly 40% of the voting population and the sympathy of nearly 65% of the entire populace; if you have “a big heart”, you can influence a lot of things. That is if your politics is about the good of the nation, not this nionionionionio that we see everyday.
You can champion projects for the improvement of hygiene; domestic income and livelihoods; and changed attitudes towards honesty in service delivery. You can be a strong influence on school going children and the youth as a practical role model. Yes. You can really do a lot! You cannot politic from election to election as if we your ballot boxes.
Pro-development Initiatives such as those I have indicated above would increase your rating as a citizen, a democrat and a leader. They would give you a deserved title of “peoples president”.
But when you keep politicking and provoking a sitting government the way you do, the results are really bad for entire nation. The government ends up making draconian laws to contain you, and this quickly grows into a culture of making improper legislation, only courtesy of your misconduct; as well as an impulsive government and its useless Parliament.
Sadly for 20 (twenty) years, I don’t know of any project, which you have championed for the improvement of the life of a contemporary voter, other than teaching people how to yap, yap and yap.
Lastly, Doctor Kizza Besigye, I want to teach you a few small lessons.
First, it can never be that every time you lose an election, the election has been stolen. Yes. We all know that elections are stolen, but there are many tools to guard against election fraud. Unfortunately, those solutions do not exist in the book of lamentations!
Secondly, you never win an election by merely capitalising on the rhetoric of the elite. They don’t vote! Therefore, if you measure election success by gathering the number of English letters written to you commending your progress, you are out for a rude shock!
Thirdly, you cannot win an election if you fail to place poling agents on a cognisable number of the poling stations. You will not expect your opponent to guard your vote! Vote stealing is part of every election. You must create an environment that ensures that every one of your votes is counted (and for you).
Finally, when you lose an election, whether on the votes or on the methods (obukodyo), you should honourably concede defeat, pick up the pieces and move on. No one said you must be President any way!
You should never seek to declare yourself President! On this, I totally disagreed with you. You cannot live a life of seeking to disrupt public order using crude methods! Electioneering must come to an end; because, at the end of every election, life must continue.
In all, the debate for national redemption should be more focused on “a better government” than on who leads that government. As of now, it is still 2:0 in favor of the old man with a hat; and unfortunately it seems both of you are playing extra time in a final.
In football, this is the critical time when your fans (who have paid to watch you play) start exiting the stadium; an indication that your tactics haven’t been good enough. Change your methods.
For God and my country.
YOURS TRULY (whatever that means)
Banturaki Bernard, Advocate.
uganda.uk.com
To develop Uganda
To develop Uganda and Africa, we need to sacrifice and fight for the right actions and direction to be taken. Everyone must be involved, encouraged and engaged. It will take a lot to make Uganda and Africa a better place for all of us who call it home.
Corruption, selfishness, bad governance are some of the stabling block to the development of Africa. Let alone high levels of illiteracy. It is time to wake up and face these problems using every resources and means possible. Nothing comes the easy way and on a silver platter. All these developed countries went through the worst and the same will be with Africa or African countries.
Time to focus on developing Africa and it might mean stopping people who are making it hard to happen.
Don’t bury your head in the sand and think everything will be alright. Wake up and face the music. Tell your African brothers and sisters to start acting now. Don’t support any of the Africans dictators because they are killing Africa slowly and and selling Africa to foreigners.
Hard work is coming ahead. Don’t die without making a difference to Africa. God bless you all and talk unity and a better Africa to your relatives, friends, in-laws, neighbours, fellow countrymen and Africans. I love you all.uganda.uk.com
A TOUGH TALKING COMPETITOR FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF UGANDA
MANY UGANDANS BELIEVE THAT A TOUGH TALKING COMPETITOR FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF UGANDA IS THE SOLUTION AND SHOULD BE SUPPORTED AS SUCH.By William Kiwanuka Kituuka
Many Ugandan voters believe that a person who can compete favourably for President of Uganda on the Opposition ticket should be such a one who is “tough talking”.
Tough talking may be defined as speaking in a way that makes other people fear you. It can also be one who acts in a forceful and aggressive way.
For the case of getting my argument clear, I wish to refer to the talking style of Mohammad Kirumira (RIP). Many Ugandans currently believe beyond reasonable doubt that a person who can manage the Presidency from President Museveni should be such a one who talks tough.
I however think that this is a misconception. A serious leader can be threatened most by a competitor who has good organizational or mobilization skills hence able to get a big following as well as such a one with good developmental ideas that can work.
However, in Uganda’s current situation having good mobilization skills and hence a good following together with talking tough are simply necessary ingredients of a prospect leader but not sufficient to win over power and be able to retain it.
We all remember the Late Kirumira, he used to talk authoritatively about the problems in Uganda Police. Many saw him as a great prospect leader. Unfortunately, the many gunmen we have around did not give him chance to nurture his potential in leadership and hence correcting what has gone wrong in Uganda.
How can tough talk shake President Museveni for example? You may talk tough about what has gone wrong within the Government of Uganda and hence please the electorate, but when it turns out that you have to face the law enforcers, then you turn to a beggar for mercy! How does tough talk help here?
Many of the leaders we cherish are great communicators, but most times it’s best for leaders to stop and listen. Listening is critical to effective communication. One is more effective as a leader if he or she practices less talking and more listening.
Great leaders lead by example before requesting anyone to do anything. Not only do they talk the talk, but also walk the walk.
Great leaders understand that they cannot achieve greatness by themselves. So a leader should not surround himself or herself with people that tell one what he or she wants to hear. Instead one should surround oneself with people that are versatile and can compliment him or her.
I recall very well the tough talk of President Museveni shortly after capturing power in 1986. True, I never supported the Bush War, however, from his tough talk about corrupt in Government, I thought that it was going to be history. Instead it is not the case, it has flourished on very fertile ground.
So Ugandans, in this era of the Information and Communication Technology, tough talk of the leader is not what matters. It is creating systems that can deliver that matters. We are aware that the Auditor General Mr. John Muwanga makes yearly reports about mismanagement of resources, failure to observe standing orders that are in place which all public servants must know. Unfortunately, his reports are a ritual or in other words a postmortem of gone taxpayer resources. One does not need to talk tough to reverse this status quo. As long as he or she is in full control of Government machinery, it is redefining the current processes. Instead of the Auditor General doing postmortems, let his office employ more manpower such that expenditure is vetted and then authorized by that office before funds are spent.
There is concern about the huge debt both domestic and foreign. The biggest problem with this debt is that a good chunk of it has ended up into the lavish lifestyles of those who manage the various programs. Uganda does not need a leader or President who talks tough, what is needed is putting in place a system that is able to check the programs from the time the funders avail the money to the completion of the program. One program which went wrong is the one that has only one component of it that was implemented. The Plan for Modernization of Agriculture (PMA) was a masterpiece that was expected to rejuvenate the Agricultural sector as the mainstay of Uganda’s economy. Today, there is no miracle to talk about following implementation!
Fellow Ugandans, we need to grow. We need the intellectuals among us to get on board to talk to those friends of ours who saw fewer blackboards. We need to get them to appreciate the problem at hand. A person who talks tough when referring to those in power today is not an asset for Uganda. One reason being that many opposed to him would rather work to eliminate him after-all AK 47’s are readily available.
Uganda needs a potential replacement to President Museveni when he or she does not appear as a big threat to those in control now. This against the background that if there cannot be consensus on smooth transition then the potential replacement to President Museveni will most of the time be involved in battles (civil or otherwise) yet Uganda is like a seedling in a Nursery bed. This seedling needs good nurturing to grow strong and bear fruit.
Uganda needs a man or woman with ideas regarding what can work for Uganda. By this time, a potential Presidential material would have his program for the first 100 days in office. One should be ready to listen to advice by people some of whom may not necessarily be active in politics, but are like opinion leaders. A potential Presidential candidate for the opposition MUST know that if luck turns to his side, he will be President for those currently in Government and those who have been onlookers for over 33 years. All these people need to be accommodated. Hence dialogue and listening are critical.
Turning back to my subject of discussion, I am of the opinion that the Uganda electorate should stop the illusion of wanting a tough talking President. Such a character will not necessarily scare off President Museveni. Uganda needs a President who walks the walk. If there is zero tolerance to corruption, you the leader must be number one example. If there is no favoritism in recruitment, let it be. If procurement procedures have to be followed, let also the man in the biggest seat abide by the rules. If it is zero tolerance to corruption, Government MUST not leave loopholes to be exploited by a few. The system in place should be foolproof. Merely looking for a tough talking leader without proven moral standards and ability to listen will not help Uganda as it dreams about starting on the journey to the Promised Land.
About the author: Represents the standards of St. Mary’s College Kisubi of the 1970’s. Independent thinkers.
GOD BLESS UGANDA AT THIS CRITICAL TIME
uganda.uk.com
Yoweri Museveni's dictatorship is the Worst
Dr Milton Obote had 19 cabinet ministers and 8 deputy ministers. That made a total of 27 ministers. And after his government was overthrown no one ever claimed that Obote or his minsters stole public funds and enriched themselves or has there been an offshore account that belonged to Obote or his ministers. These ministers were intellectuals, intelligent and patriotic. They served Uganda not their own interests like the bush war bandits.Now let’s have a look at Yoweri Museveni’s dictatorship, he has over 300 presidential advisers, he has over 78 minsters, each minster has over 5 advisers over 80 permanent secretaries, over 400 RDCs with their deputies and so forth. These people are corrupt to the bone marrow. Most of them are not educated and trained well. And alot of them are political trash. They steal each and every fund they come across. They are so cruel, greedy and selfish. These people steal all the taxes and later have to borrow to fund their luxurious lifestyles. What a shame?! 🙆
How did our country move from a first growing African state to a sub-Saharan laughing stock??!
uganda.uk.com
A country where truth is mistaken for bitterness and hate
We live in a country where truth is mistaken for bitterness and hate, where people are afraid to speak their mind hence burying the truth rendering the Nation into a moral dilemma. But in the end, silence must be broken and truth spoken. When you speak the truth against a regime, you become an enemy of the state, if you have a big following like some musicians, you end up being bought like a cow, plot of land or a house to keep quite forever. If you speak about unemployment, endemic corruption, deteriorating health facilities & crossover to NRM, you become rich with rewards like, cows, jobs, land, cars at the cost of taxPayers money in an overnight and start deleting statements that you had earlier spoken about. This is envisaged by some of our “leaders” like Betty Kamya, Beatrice Anywar, Betty Amongi & Nakiwala Kiyingi. Some of the “religious leaders” have also been compromised with vehicles and church contributions to keep silent forever amidst absolute poverty biting majority of Ugandans. Dictator Yoweri Museveni has built NRM on hypocrisy and dishonesty by creating a sense of belief among some Ugandans that he is a demi god who will not die, he is omni-present hence killing nearly all public institutions like UPTC, URC, Uganda Airlines, Uganda Dairy Corporations, CMB, Govt Ministries and other public and private parastatals.
This has further given him a firm grip to preside over a nation that has lost all its resources with impunity, plunder of public assets shall take generations to redeem. The evil of corruption has eaten the Country to the borne marrow by allowing cronies to grab public land, forests, play ground, parks and even cemeteries under the watchful eye of the army. The looting of minerals perpetrated by “his army” and some senior officials has taken all gold in Mubende, oil in Buliisa, Sand from Lwera and fish across the Lakes turning the Nation into the mouth of a shark. If any of you thinks that praising Museveni will fight Corruption and redeem Uganda, it’s a pity.
He has turned some Asians and Chinese as “disguised investors”/business partners” a channel for looting and extorting the Country without paying taxes hence, becoming a conduit in funding his political campaigns. (Oil concessions, SGR, Isimba dam & Lubowa Hospital) are some of the projects that have unleashed a lot of dirty linen under NRM leadership. This economic burden shall be felt many more generations to come with a huge debt burden.
The destruction of environment will never go unpunished by the so called invisibles taking away Uganda’s beauty (wetlands) turning some cities like Kampala a from green city to a garbage waste it is today.
The rate of tribalism especially in the police is alarming, if one is not mistaken, he/she might be tempted to think that Uganda has got one tribe eligible to enrol into a police force thus quantifying it to be one of the most corrupt institutions since post independence Uganda.uganda.uk.com
Dr. Milton Obote lands at Bushenyi
Dr. Milton Obote lands at Bushenyi, western Uganda to a heroes welcome returning from 9 years of exile in Tanzania. This was after he had successfully led a combined political and military organisation with the help of his host Julius Nyerere that saw the defeat of Idi Amin’s (Libyan, Saudi & initially Anglo-Israeli) backed regime that had overthrown his democratically elected government on January 25th 1971 while he was attending Commonwealth Conference in Singapore and, where he was the official spokesperson for both the Mulungushi Club and the Front Line States campaigning for the end of apartheid rule in Azania (South Africa), Zimbabwe and Namibia.At that Summit, they had successfully managed to get majority member States to demand that they would pull out of the British Colonial body unless London stopped arms sales to the Boer regime and, withdrew recognition of Ian Smith’s regime in Harare. Ted Heath, the British PM was not amused and said so but most importantly, they had a plan – already worked out at Kampala – hence Amin, whom they called a ‘gentle giant…’.
Sadly today, another ‘Nyampala’ team is at Kampala – after 35 years – on some scores including Africa’s Liberation, worse….
But, the future is possible…
uganda.uk.com
The best leader of Uganda to date, is Milton Apollo Obote. His the only president that was nationalistic and had a developmental program for Ugandans. However, his nationalistic and pro African tendencies, made him an enemy of imperialist forces, especially the British. 
Uganda’s problem is a leadership crisis characterised by brokers, brokers and brokers! It is a nation where brokerage has replaced work; and everyone is seated waiting for “the deal” of his life!
To develop Uganda and Africa, we need to sacrifice and fight for the right actions and direction to be taken. Everyone must be involved, encouraged and engaged. It will take a lot to make Uganda and Africa a better place for all of us who call it home.
MANY UGANDANS BELIEVE THAT A TOUGH TALKING COMPETITOR FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF UGANDA IS THE SOLUTION AND SHOULD BE SUPPORTED AS SUCH.
Dr Milton Obote had 19 cabinet ministers and 8 deputy ministers. That made a total of 27 ministers. And after his government was overthrown no one ever claimed that Obote or his minsters stole public funds and enriched themselves or has there been an offshore account that belonged to Obote or his ministers. These ministers were intellectuals, intelligent and patriotic. They served Uganda not their own interests like the bush war bandits.
We live in a country where truth is mistaken for bitterness and hate, where people are afraid to speak their mind hence burying the truth rendering the Nation into a moral dilemma. But in the end, silence must be broken and truth spoken. When you speak the truth against a regime, you become an enemy of the state, if you have a big following like some musicians, you end up being bought like a cow, plot of land or a house to keep quite forever. If you speak about unemployment, endemic corruption, deteriorating health facilities & crossover to NRM, you become rich with rewards like, cows, jobs, land, cars at the cost of taxPayers money in an overnight and start deleting statements that you had earlier spoken about. This is envisaged by some of our “leaders” like Betty Kamya, Beatrice Anywar, Betty Amongi & Nakiwala Kiyingi. Some of the “religious leaders” have also been compromised with vehicles and church contributions to keep silent forever amidst absolute poverty biting majority of Ugandans. Dictator Yoweri Museveni has built NRM on hypocrisy and dishonesty by creating a sense of belief among some Ugandans that he is a demi god who will not die, he is omni-present hence killing nearly all public institutions like UPTC, URC, Uganda Airlines, Uganda Dairy Corporations, CMB, Govt Ministries and other public and private parastatals.
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